This synthesis focuses
on two themes developed in the writings of Cazden (2001), Michaels (1981)
and Ladson-Billings (2002). The first theme addresses cultural differences
in discourse styles and their repercussions, contextualized in the practice
of “sharing time” in first grade. The second theme considers how low expectations
give lower class and minority students “permission to fail” and what teacher’s
can do to both be aware and proactive in changing this pattern.
Michaels (1981) focuses
on “sharing time” in an ethnically diverse first grade classroom taught by
a white female teacher. The issues addressed concern the value and attention
given to various discourse styles (and consequently speakers). This activity,
sharing, is in actuality a way for children to practice the discourse
style both dominant and valued in society (the language of power)—the situated
narrative--situated in the sense that time and lexical markers are integral
to the story. In other words, sharing provides “oral preparation for
literacy” which in turn affects later access to social and educational opportunities
(Michaels, 1981, p. 423).
In Michaels’ article, the white
children follow a more topic-centered narrative style whereas the black children
follow a more topic-associating style. These differences are problematic
in, “the [obvious] miscommunication that happens when child and adult are
in conflict about the newsworthiness of particular aspects of some event,
or the teacher becomes impatient with episodic narratives” (Cazden, 2001,
p. 89). One style (white) is considered more structured and informational
and consequently more valuable whereas the other style (black) is considered
ill thought-out and random. However, upon further examination of intonation,
pitch and ideas presented, the discourse styles for both white and black students
did indeed possess connections, prosodic markers and pauses valued in narratives—but
in different fashions (Michaels, 1981, p. 430).
Those speakers of the non-dominant
language expressed frustration at being interrupted and misunderstood by the
teacher whereas the teacher was frustrated by the students’ lack of preparation.
So what does this mean? First of all, it means that minority speakers are
made to feel “less than” the majority speakers, they just aren’t good enough,
secondly, it means they will have less access to educational and career opportunities
(not to mention the adverse affects on self-esteem and confidence).
Who’s to blame? No one, per
se, is to blame. Instead of pointing fingers and making value judgments,
teachers/educators (people in general) need to be both aware of and more accepting
of diverse discourse styles. Again, different does not imply bad.
Cultural and SES differences have to be taken into consideration, especially
in light of input-output theories. Children reproduce the kinds of speech
they hear at home and in their every day lives--language socialization begins
from day one of a child’s life and to devalue how someone speaks is to devalue
them as a person (Cazden, 2001, pp. 61-62). So what are some long-term affects
of devaluing certain discourse styles?
In answering the
above question, we now examine the second theme involving “permission to fail.”
Ladson-Billings (2002) examines this idea in conjunction with low expectations
for minority students. Since minority students’ discourse styles are devalued
from the early beginnings of their formal education, they are, in a sense,
alienated and given the right to fail because teaching them is deemed to be
too much of a challenge or simply a waste of time. Consequently, when minorities
don’t do well in schools/careers they are thought of as not trying hard enough
(Ladson-Billings, 2002, p. 111). This failure is further compounded by the
propagation of the American Dream, in that your success is contingent
upon your effort. But in reality, you can struggle and try your best but
still be trapped under glass ceilings reinforced by your race, gender and
ethnicity--all of which are reflected in language usage.
So how can this impending
failure be circumvented through education? Well, teachers have to be both
introspective and reflective of their teaching styles. This is much easier
said than done. This is also the looming question of bridging the gap between
theory and practice. As educators we are aware of the current literature
but we need to translate it into our everyday practices. The case presented
in Ladson-Billings involves a young teacher, Carter Forshay, who took his
job seriously, accepted it was his responsibility to teach his students how
to write and most importantly didn’t give up or give in to student’s frustrations
and lack of interest. Carter adjusted his lessons to make writing seem more
approachable and relevant to his students’ lives by incorporating music as
a springboard for teaching a writing process (Ladson-Billings, 2002, p. 113).
He understood that “the teacher’s task is to ‘invent the activity that will
engage students is using, and therefore learning, the strategies essential
to certain writing tasks’” (Cazden, 2001, p. 70). Not only did he make the
curriculum relevant, he made it an interesting group effort that produced
results that met his high expectations. Carter demanded success from his
students, and used intelligent scaffolding techniques to encourage and teach
his students. He also had various groups of students work together to produce
and edit their writing; this type of group work can be very beneficial to
those engaged in creative writing (see Cazden, 2001, pp. 75, 111, 131, for
a detailed explanation as to why and how this is beneficial). In summation,
teachers should have high, realistic expectations for their students and their
students can meet these expectations through teacher interventions such as
scaffolding, making the material relevant, and working with the knowledge
students bring to the classroom instead of trying to reprogram them.
Personally, the two
themes briefly addressed in this synthesis are important to me. I have worked
in ethnically diverse classrooms and felt frustrated when lessons didn’t go
as planned—I hadn’t given that much consideration as to why in terms of discourse
styles. I too, am quick to jump to the conclusion that both the material
and what I expect is obvious—so students who don’t follow suit simply didn’t
prepare well enough. Instead, what I need to do is look at the classroom
discourse (and my lessons, teaching style, etc.) from various perspectives
to see if I can better understand what is happening and how I can make it
better. I have also seen firsthand how low expectations for black (and other
minority) students can set up a poisonous classroom environment for everyone
involved. What I need to be aware of is how I treat my students to see what
behaviors and language I favor and how this affects the other students. It
isn’t an easy thing to think about and it is rather uncomfortable to examine
my own biases. Teaching isn’t always pretty and I know I can’t change overnight;
but I like to think I can grow and improve through self-reflection. I also
hope to become more comfortable experimenting with new methods and ideas when
Cazden, C. B. (2001). Classroom
discourse: The language of teaching and learning. Portsmouth,
Ladson-Billings, G. J. (2002)
I ain’t writin’ nuttin': Permissions to Fail and Demands to Succeed
in Urban Classrooms. In L. Delpit & K. Dowdy (Eds.), The Skin that we
Speak. New York: The New Press.
Michaels, S. (1981) Sharing time:
Children’s narrative styles and differential access toliteracy.
Language in Society10, 423-42.
Language in the Classroom: Dominance, Ignorance & Miscommunication
Research on language
learning, from multiple perspectives, is an increasingly popular research
topic. Two main themes addressed in the study of language learning include
language socialization (children learn various aspects of language
through interactions within their environments—home, community, school, etc.),
and indexicality (referents/contexts for words/things found in a person’s
world). I will briefly examine these two areas in relation to their affect
on classroom discourse during a literacy event and extrapolate their long
term effects on children both during and after they leave school.
A discussion about
language socialization must be grounded in terms of socio-cultural factors
affecting language learning and literacy events in a person’s life. In various
places all over the world, language is often (mis)used to dominate certain
groups within a society. At a very early age children learn to code switch
between formal and informal manners of speech dependent upon their listener,
environment and intent. “We find ‘good speech’ used in writing, reading, school
instruction, praying, singing, radio broadcasting and talking to foreigners...’bad
speech’ on the other hand, is found in most everyday spoken interactions,
ranging from both formal and informal situations” (Duranti & Ochs, 1988,
p. 196). Though the preceding quote is from an article specifically discussing
discourse styles in Samoa, I argue that it applies more globally and also
that intrinsic worth and consequently, a hierarchical rating are given to
types of speech when describing them as either "good" or "bad."
Those with "good" speech have more power than those with "bad"
In some cases, the various discourse
styles of home and school are so disparate they may threaten a person’s social
identity. To fully appreciate this, consider how language is used in a Samoan
village for educational purposes. For example, “...when a Samoan child is
first exposed to literacy instruction, he or she is taught something more
than the alphabet” (Duranti and Ochs, 1988, p. 195). This statement refers
to the type of basal readers and other materials primarily used in literacy
instruction; the Samoan alphabet contains three letters borrowed from the
Western alphabet (h, k, and r) and the pictures used as examples are
of western-styled clothes, dishes and boats (!) instead of objects more relevant
to a child’s everyday life. Also, Samoan educators are often trained in Western
pedagogical techniques that aren't reflective of Samoan values such as community
accomplishment and group cooperation (Duranti & Ochs, 1988, p. 204).
Therefore, teaching literacy
is also a means of re-socializing children and reshaping their character (Duranti
& Ochs, 1988, p. 209). It
is important to keep in mind that for Samoans, notions of literacy are tied
to classroom achievement and consequently economic achievement. The classroom
discourse style employed is meant to prepare Samoan children to successfully
compete in a Western-style economy. Literacy equals money, which in turn
equals human capital to be exploited by industry. Furthermore, the use of
literacy in this society is usually restricted to financial matters, Bible
reading and schoolwork, and as a means to correspond with emigrated family
members. So during the school years and beyond, Samoan children are confronted
with a dichotomy of language use. At home they are one person and at school
or in more formal settings, they are another and for many, the literacy lessons
taught in school are not relevant to their daily life (Duranti & Ochs,
1988, p. 208). Again, I believe that this phenomenon is not strictly Samoan
in nature, indeed this type of irrelevance abounds in school settings everywhere.
Consider language learning and
language socialization in the following way, “Language learning is cultural
learning” (Pease-Alvarez & Vasquez, 1992, p. 82). Several cultural differences
exist in the ways a society chooses to address its children and what is chooses
to teach its students and no one way is the right way. Many societies see
children as passive learners that will gain language simply through exposure.
Conversely, many societies actively engage in language learning with their
children through the use of motherese or simplified language. If the discourse
style employed in schools does not match the discourse style used at home,
the child will experience (at least initially if not always) disharmony between
and within the environments. When value judgments are made and more worth
is given to the educational discourse style, children may react in two different
ways. Some are likely to rebel and resist attempts to change their language
and as such, their identity (Pease-Alvarez & Vasquez, 1992, p. 91). On
the other hand, some children may become more fluent and comfortable with
the educational discourse styles and language to the tragic end that they
can no longer communicate effectively with their own family (Pease-Alvarez
& Vasquez, 1992, p. 94). Both of these outcomes are unacceptable and
So what can be done to fuse discourse
styles or to at least make them less exclusive? One suggestion is to make
the curriculum more relevant to a child’s life. This can be accomplished
by getting to know the community in which you teach/work and drawing on the
resources and expertise already available. Even just drawing on student knowledge
can really change the classroom environment by empowering the students. “This
in turn can lead to meaningful connections between curriculum and community”
(Pease-Alvarez & Vasquez, 1992, p. 95). While this is easy to say, it
is harder to incorporate.
As teachers we are already very
busy people and finding time to go out into the community is difficult at
best. Not that most teachers don't have good intentions, it is rather that
they are overwhelmed by and unprepared for all of the differences and challenges
within a classroom. ESOL used to primarily refer to Spanish speakers here
in Georgia, but now it means so much more. The variety and ethnicity in any
given class is amazing! When you add in religion, culture, language and the
reason for immigration (persecution, refugee, etc.) the picture becomes even
more skewed and it seems impossible that any type of learning could be accomplished
In addition to this, it is both
personally and professionally challenging (not to mention uncomfortable) to
step further back and look at the "clientele" and politics within
a school to see how you fit in. Given all the issues surrounding teaching
(teacher accountability, multi-ethnic and diverse populations, ESOL problems,
the "us vs. them" attitude, transience, lack of respect and decent
financial compensation), I can understand why people don't want to be teachers
and why many of those who are, are frustrated by trying to forge a gap between
theory and practice. Not to say that teaching isn't an exciting and rewarding
profession, but that there are so many changes and upheaval on every level
that it is a difficult endeavor for everyone involved. A paradigm shift is
never easy or quick; and language education is having some serious growing
In light of the previous discussion
of language socialization I will now briefly examine the idea of indexicality
in literacy events. Indexicality refers to the real-world referents or context
in which a person understands a word/phrase. In other words, when a child
hears a word, she usually (and often unconsciously) makes a connection to
some object or idea tangent to her own life--you may say one thing and the
listener may hear and understand another. Therefore studying indexicality
will offer insight as to how to avoid such miscommunication or better yet,
how to incorporate these new ideas into more effective teaching methods by
drawing on student knowledge instead to trying to construct knowledge from
the ground up. Again, relevancy greatly affects motivation for literacy and
language learning. Consider how language learning and literacy are imparted.
One traditional method is through phonics or other abstract methods that require
rule memorization and practice as opposed to use of realia (Rymes, B. 2002,
p. 128). How can you realistically and effectively teach a language without
objects or extra-textual clues when after all, everything is indexed? You
a child does make a comment about a word or idea being learned, the teacher
has the power to either accept or deny the child’s contribution. If denied,
it can be quite damaging in that it reinforces the idea that there is only
one correct association, namely the teacher’s (Rymes, B. 2002, p. 130).
The teacher may choose to ignore the remark due to ignorance of the word,
because the issue is uncomfortable, or because it does not fit into her lesson
plan. However, this has the undesired effect of disassociating students with
the task at hand. “By repeatedly silencing students’ links to a broader context,
[t]he teacher constitutes the reading process itself as unrelated to externally
indexed meaning...thus reading itself is constructed as unrelated to the socially
meaningful words and experiences of these learners” (Rymes, B. 2002, p. 134).
In other words, drawing on students’ knowledge and helping them personalize
the information would greatly benefit the learner (Rymes, B. 2002, p. 142).
I must admit that as a teacher, I have silenced students both intentionally
and unintentionally and I haven’t really thought about the consequences.
I have a particularly hard time with error-correction because I do not want
to discourage the student, but at the same time, I don’t want the student
to learn something incorrectly. I also know that I get frustrated when something
doesn’t go as planned and instead of working through the situation, I sometimes
revert to less than stellar teaching practices in order to just get the answer
I wanted and move on (Rymes, B. 2002, p. 137). As a foreign language teacher,
I am ultimately teaching L2 communicative competence and the best way to do
this is through relevancy to students’ lives—this is not always an easy task
and I am by no means experienced enough to always do this effectively. I
too have had many run-ins with students who had a totally different idea about
what I way trying to teach.
One thing I encountered in Austria
was English learned through movies, cartoons and advertisements that were
not really Standard English. For example, the cartoon character with the
T-shirt and way of introducing himself, I are Baboon, the misspelled
Chik-Fil-A "Eat mor chiken" ads, and of course
the ever popular, Toys “R” Us ads were frustrating. I found these
to be frustrating and confusing for both myself (how do I explain them?)
and for some of my (esp. younger) students (why is it okay on TV but
I can't write it or use it?). Sometimes I would draw parallels with elements
in their dialect by saying things like, "that's how you speak with friends/family
but you would never write that anywhere" or by occasionally giving students
the non-answer, "don't worry about that" which really just dismisses
their curiosity and devalues their personal connections and previous experiences
socialization and indexicality need to be taken into consideration especially
when working with diverse students. After all, “it is widely accepted that
schools reflect, impart and contribute to the social values and ways of the
majority group” (Pease-Alvarez & Vasquez, 1992, p. 99). One of our many
jobs as educators, then, is to combat social injustices, prejudices, and implicit
worth embedded in a language itself. Only then can we wield language wisely
in our various classrooms discourse styles. We have to be aware of the power
of our words in both the explicit and implicit curriculum we teach.
Duranti, S. & Ochs, E. (1988).
Literacy instruction in a Samoan village. In Culture and language
development: Language Acquisition and language socialization in a
Samoan village (pp. 189-209). Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University
Pease-Alvarez, C. & Vasquez,
O. (1992). Language Socialization in ethnic minority
communities. In F. Genesee
(Ed.), Educating second language children: The whole
child, the whole curriculum, the whole community (pp. 82-102). New York:
Cambridge University Press.
Rymes, B. (2002). Relating word
to world: Indexicality during literacy events. In S. Wortham & B. Rymes
(Eds.) Linguistic Anthropology of Education (pp. 121-150). Westport,
The Propagation of Classism through traditional Participation Frameworks:
and frameworks reflect more than an exchange of words between people. The
words themselves are a transparent overlay through which the listeners hear
your race, age, gender and social class. Participation structures and frameworks
serve a great purpose in our Classist society; they teach people how to code
switch and how to interact with each other. As such, they also show people
to which class or group they belong and how they are valued and by whom.
In this synthesis I will look at some key features in articles by Duranti
(1997), Goffman (1981), Philips (1972) and Carrasco (1992). All four articles
present and discuss different types of sociolinguistic exchanges and their
ramifications contextualized within specific types of participation framework
(e.g., professional and educational). It is important to know who possesses
and grants the power to speak—and what can be done to improve the inequity
inherent in the currently accepted and used frameworks.
Duranti writes about
the different roles assumed by a speaker (animator, author, and principle)
and how these roles affect what is being said and what is being heard (Duranti,
1997, p. 297). The listener hears what is said through the appropriate veil.
In a conversation between friends, both are active speakers and listeners;
in a classroom, the teacher is the main speaker but grants students the opportunity
to speak. Consider a speaker addressing an audience. The audience is not
really a conversation partner but rather a receptacle. In other words, "...the
role of the audience is to appreciate remarks made, not to reply in any direct
way" (Goffman, 1981, p. 138).
As humans we code
switch; we (subconsciously) think about what we will say and to whom and under
what circumstances. We switch speech to match the "recipient" according
to our perceptions of their education level and social class (Duranti, 1997,
p. 299). Many foreign languages (and English to some extent) even have different
grammatical forms and vocabulary that blatantly reflect class differences
(e.g., polite and impolite forms of address based on the usages of certain
pronouns, verb conjugations and word order). Participation frameworks are
always in favor of the dominant class and in order to successfully "play
the game," all involved have to be familiar not only with the language
but with the sociolinguistic nuances; "It is through specific and reproducible
participation frameworks that authority, hierarchy, and subordination are
constituted" (Duranti, 1997, p. 313). This inherent domination is all
but invisible to and accepted by many as being the one and only norm.
Those who are not
from the dominant culture are severely disadvantaged. Cultures who value
more group oriented activities, who believe in more community oriented educations
or governments, or who refuse to make a community member lose face by forcing
them to speak in public will not do well in our WASP patriarchal society that
values individual accomplishment and competition (Philips, 1972). This inequity
is further propagated in schools that refuse to consider the cultural background
of their students; it is like forcing a gigantic cube into a small round hole—it
will never work!!! And instead of examining why this is unsuccessful, we
choose to blame the "others" who are lazy and refuse to cooperate.
Not that change will be easy or comfortable; first many people have to be
convinced that this is a real problem. So how do we do this?
Teachers and teaching
styles have to take into consideration the diversity students bring to the
classroom and use that as a bridge into the dominant discourse styles. Not
that students must totally assimilate to be successful, but rather they have
to be aware of the differences and competent in the dominant participation
framework if they are to affect any positive change at all. The system can
only be broken from within and over a long period of time. The change must
come from everyone (parents, teachers, students, community, etc.).
Work is already being
done to help teachers and educators learn to recognize and break out of negative
participation frameworks. Carrasco, in her research about the effectiveness
of two different teaching styles in a bilingual class, writes, "...the
intention of such study [micro ethnology] is to gain an understanding of the
ways in which the social roles of the teachers and children (i.e., participation
structures) help to create the quality of interaction in instruction"
(Carrasco, 1992, p. 395). The teacher with an understanding of her students'
cultural backgrounds was able to teach more effectively and the students were
not only able to learn more, but they also were able to enjoy learning. In
general, knowing more about the students can help the teacher personalize
instruction and effectively reach many more learners.
Carrasco, R. L., Acosta, C. T.,
& de la Torre-Spencer, S. (1992). Language use, lesson engagement, and
participation structures: A microethnic analysis of two language arts lessons
in a bilingual first grade classroom. In Saravia-Shore, M. & Arvizu,
S. F. (Eds.), Cross-cultural literacy: Ethnographies of communication
in multi- ethnic classrooms. New York: Garland.
Duranti, A. (1997). Participation,
From Linguistic Anthropology (pp. 294-314). Cambridge: Campbridge
Goffman. I. (1981). Excerpt from
Forms of Talk, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
S. U. (1972). Participant structures and communicative competence: Warm
Springs children in community and classroom. In C. B. Cazden, V. P. John,
& D. Hymes (Eds.), Functions of Language in the classroom (pp.
370-394). New York: Teachers College Press.
Effective Error Correction in the L2 Classroom, is it really possible?
is currently a hot topic among L2 teachers. Should it be done at all? What
kind? To what extent? And is it really useful? After all, errors are reflective
of the thought processes present when a person first begins learning an L2
and many L2 learners make mistakes because they are trying new constructions
and forms they have yet to learn. At what point does grammatical error correction
become meaningful and/or motivating in spoken and/or written contexts? How
does grammatical error correction relate to discourse analysis? Answers to
these questions can be found in the writings of Riggenbach (2002), Celce-Murcia
& Olshtain (2000) and Morgan (1998).
First let's consider
grammatical error correction in spoken language. Should errors be corrected
if they don't hinder meaning? It depends on the context; the more formal a
situation (work, presentation) the better the grammar needs to be—this is
true in any language. "Spoken language differs from written language
in many important ways; formal rehearsed language is notably different than
language used in unrehearsed, informal contexts" (Riggenbach, 2002, p.43).
It is also important to note that people don't write like they speak; some
languages even have different verb conjugations and cases that are used only
for writing and never in speech! In terms of discourse analysis, "...nonnative
speaker of English using discourse analysis as a means of studying language,
the exploration of this topic can be rewarding and enlightening. Learners
can discover for themselves that there is no such thing as "perfect"
speech—that is, native speakers make errors, too" (Riggenbach, 1999,
p. 42). The main focus is on making yourself understood; during speech, the
speaker can use body language, facial expressions and intonation to convey
meaning that may not come out in their writing.
An interesting method
of error correction presented by Celce-Murcia & Olshtain is the analysis
of speech produced by a native speaker. The point of this exercise, besides
providing a meaningful context, is to show that native speakers also make
mistakes; that they (like all people) speak in fragments, and they use many
stalling techniques when speaking (Celce-Murcia & Olshtain, 2000, p. 225).
Considering this exercise in light of Riggenbach (2002, p. 43), reiterates
the idea that written and spoken language are quite different and as such,
they warrant different means of grammatical error correction.
Let's now consider
grammatical error correction in written texts. Celce-Murcia & Olshtain
(2000) state that L2 learners should take some responsibility for their own
learning. As such, they should be taught to self-correct as early as possible,
at first through the use of shorter, controlled segments (e.g., texts, dialogues)
and then gradually through longer segments. For written work they suggest
using comparative methods of error correction such as a chart (e.g., columns
named grammatical, ungrammatical, correction), teacher recommendations
on a sheet attached to student's written work and a comparison of their own
work with the same work written by a native speaker (Celce-Murcia & Olshtain,
2000, pp. 218-220). Ideally, students would be able to improve their speaking
ability by improving their writing skills. While these forms of error correction
may be extremely useful and personalized, I argue that they are extremely
time-consuming and tedious; how can a classroom teacher possibly have enough
time to do all of this? These methods would work well one on one, but they
are too idealistic and unrealistic for all L2 teachers. Also, providing an
authentic situation for error correction can be rather difficult because
as L2 teachers we often engineer situations to a certain end, thereby forcing
the situation and decontextualizing the grammar.
(1998) on teaching politics in an ESL classroom provides a context for grammatical
error correction in both written and oral work. He choose specifically to
talk about the Gulf War with his ESL students and prepared them for a discussion
with a social studies class. In preparation for this discussion, Morgan introduced
his ideas through the use of written articles which the class dissected and
used as springboards for activities—error correction occurred during this
time. During the discussion his ESL students were able to effectively communicate
their ideas despite occasional grammar mistakes.
Overall, the push
towards communicative learning in L2 has provided some very useful methods
for teaching grammar in a more authentic way (I+1, comprehensible input, etc.)
but at times, I find that "meaningful input" is just a thin veil
for an attempt to make grammar less elusive; there is a break in the bridge
between theory and practice. So how can we effectively correct L2 grammar
errors? At times, the Socratic Method of teaching grammar through guided
questions and dialogue is just too time-consuming and frustrating; many students
want to be taught the right answer with a brief explaination. As an L2 teacher
who is not a native speaker of German, I am sometimes hesitant to correct
my students but at the same time, I cannot let their mistakes always go unchecked.
I understand the theory behind the types of error correction discussed in
the readings and I can see where discourse analysis may, with some time and
effort, be an effective means of correcting grammar errors.
Celce-Murcia, M. & Olstain,
E. (2000). Discourse Training for teachers and learners.
In Discourse and context in language teaching: A guide for language teachers.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Morgan, B. (1998). Teaching
Politics in an ESL classroom. In The ESL Classroom: Teaching, Critical
Practice, and community development. (pp. 23-40 and
135-137). Toronto: Toronto University Press.
Riggenbach, H. (2002). Discourse
analysis in the language classroom: Volume 1: The Spoken Language. Ann
Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press.
V. How you say
it is more important than what you say
You can possess a
great amount of knowledge and be well dressed, but if you don’t sound intelligent,
you won’t be taken seriously. It is unfortunate just how much weight rests
on the way you speak, not just your vocabulary, but your tone and inflection.
People who stutter are often thought foolish, people with a heavy accent or
who speak slowly are found unintelligent and those who only speak in dialect
are thought lazy. I know that personally I have (wrongly) made judgments
about people’s intelligence and personality based exclusively on the way they
speak. We hear language through a filter of social values and stereotypes
(Stubbs, 2002, p. 66). Attitudes about the language use are the common threads
for this week’s readings by Purcell-Gates, Stubbs, Wynne and Sniad. More specifically,
I will focus on some of the negative attitudes held about people who do not
speak the dominant dialect, or the language of power, and how they are affected
by these biases.
Based on a person’s
race, gender, or ethnicity, their language may be perceived as either different
or deficient (Purcell-Gates, 2002, p. 129). A western European living
in Athens, GA may be thought of as speaking a different English, whereas
a child from Appalachia may be thought to have a language deficiency.
The differences in these labels used to describe language reflect a spectrum
that is associated with the speaker’s intelligence and cognitive ability;
we make allowances for differences, but we feel the need to correct
deficiencies. People are also very conscious of the social implications
of dialect and ways of speaking; however, sounding intelligent is not the
same thing as being intelligent (Stubbs, 2002, p. 67). Dialects also reflect
social class of the speaker (Stubbs, 2002, p. 72). We tend to defer to those
who speak with confidence or who are from a higher social class, even if we
don’t necessarily agree with them. (This would be a nice segue into gender
differences in language use…).
We also make the mistake of assuming
that people who do not speak the exact same way we do must lack certain knowledge
instead of taking into account the notion of passive vocabulary (Stubbs, 2002,
p. 77). A person may have a large vocabulary and understand many different
ideas and concepts, but may never have a need to use these things in her everyday
life. We can only judge a person’s knowledge in the arena in which we know
them; for example, in school we unfairly judge student’s entire language ability
based on classroom interactions, even though we have no idea how they are
at home or with friends (Stubbs, 2002, p. 74). However, a child who has had
little to no exposure to literacy previous to school may not understand 1)
what literacy really is and 2) why it is important. These children may have
a difficult becoming literate; but it certainly does not mean they are incapable
of learning (Purcell-Gates, 2002, p. 128).
People are aware of the way they
speak, especially those people who do not speak the dominant language. Linguistic
differences can be uncomfortable but people must be careful not to make snap
judgments about a person based on the way they speak—it is too easy to disrespect
different languages if you speak the dominant language/dialect (Wynne, 2002,
pp. 210-212). So how can people learn to respect linguistic differences?
What can teachers do to help students with this? Well, first of all, teachers
could discuss linguicism in class—what is it and what does it mean,
how can it be avoided (Purcell-Gates, 2002, p. 140). Secondly, students should
be made aware of the fact that language is political and not scientific
(Wynne, 2002, p. 204). In other words, there is no precise and perfect way
to speak. However, one dialect does belong to the dominant power structure
and this needs to be addressed in schools. Students need to be familiar with
this dialect regardless of if they use it or not (Wynne, 2002, p. 211). Students
can either choose to adopt this dialect or be cognizant of it and use it as
a tool for professional reasons (Sniad, 2002, p. 302). Thirdly, teachers
need to remember that all students are capable of learning regardless of their
linguistic abilities. Students all start school with different levels of
literacy and different types of knowledge. Though it is difficult, teachers
need to be able to meet students where they are and then they can work together
to reach a common goal. Instead of making a child feel ashamed of the way
she speaks (which is both rather insulting and alienating), the teacher needs
to be more diplomatic and considerate of these differences; they are not deficits.
So if being aware of different
ways people speak and valuing children’s diverse linguistic backgrounds is
of the utmost importance to educators, why is it that classroom discourse
is only required for a Master’s degree and not teacher certification?
Purcell-Gates, V. (2002). “…As
soon as she opened her mouth!”: Issues of language,
literacy, and power. In L. Delpit & J. K. Dowdy (Eds.), The Skin that
we speak. New York.
The New Press.
Sniad, T. (2002). “You have
lovely guests”: An analysis of language ideologies in
Hospitality job interview training. Presentation to the American Association
Of Applied Linguistics, Salt Lake City, UT. March, 2002.
Stubbs, M. (2002). Some Basic
Sociolinguistic Concepts. In L. Delpit & J. K. Dowdy (Eds.),
The Skin that we speak. New York. The New Press.
Wynne, J. (2002). “We don’t
talk right. You ask him.” In L. Delpit & J. K. Dowdy (Eds.), The Skin
that we speak. New York. The New Press.
Reflections on using English, and language in general, as
a means to oppress others
article entitled, “Sounding American”: The consequences of new reforms
on English language learners” brings out some important, if not controversial
issues surrounding bilingual education programs in the USA. I will address
attitudes toward bilingual ed. in light of the current political climate,
attitudes towards low SES/LEP students and my position on bilingual education
as a foreign language teacher.I
think many people have the false impression that bilingual education programs
were originally created to assist Spanish speakers from immigrant Mexican
families. How many people know there was a Supreme Court Case in the early
1970s that began the national debate AND how many people know it was brought
to the courts demanding bilingual education for Chinese speakers? I am
often frustrated by discussions about bilingual education because the diverse
history of it is always absent and only negative results are given—and consequently,
we are being confronted with the “English-only” movement. Due to the highly
political nature of the English-only movement, it seems that more people
would try and get their facts straight; but unfortunately it seems as if
the politicians in charge of education feel both empowered to and justified
in making broad reforms and policies for the good of their own kind and
not the majority of people. This is done under the clever guise of solidifying
the American people through the use of one language, the home language;
even more so now in light of September 11th. Since language
is bound so closely to identity, it is not difficult to see the inherent
racism in the English-only movement. “The extent that you insist on maintaining
and using your heritage language, even if you are proficient in English,
becomes an indicator of allegiance to those around you” (Gutierrez, et.
al, 2002, p. 337). And I’m afraid that the attitudes towards ESL and LEP
speakers will only become darker under the current political regime and
schism between the classes will only become deeper.
students are not the only ones suffering in our schools. LEP students,
many from low SES brackets, are also at risk; “schooled English” is the
preferred English and if you don’t/can’t speak that, then you must be cognitively
deficient and in need of remediation. However, remediation for these “LEP”
students usually just 1) makes the student hate school, 2) is boring and
often insulting in its repetition and content and 3) is really just a method
of producing low-paid skilled workers with no hope for advancement. At
least that is my opinion based on observations I have made in the various
schools were I’ve worked. It’s really sad the way the American Dream is
used against people who do work hard but never really make it; instead of
blaming overarching political or classist structures they are socialized/taught
to blame themselves. It’s really a clever use of language in a sinister
last thing I would like to address is my own attitude toward bilingual education
as a foreign language teacher. I was surprised to read, “foreign language
educators have never been great supporters of bilingual education, because
they see the local language as essentially a different kind of language
from those they study and promote—if they see the language of the community
as language at all” (Gutierrez, et. al, 2002, p. 337). I had to stop and
think about this for a while, and I can see where this comes from. The
current methodology and pedagogy for teaching a foreign language, at least
what I have encountered, is to fully immerse the students in the FL and
never ever use English for anything! Ever! Doesn’t that seem to contradict
what we learn about valuing and using the L1 as a scaffold to learning the
L2? The discrepancy bothers me a great deal; on the one hand I am learning
to meet the ESL learner where she is and work from there, but I am told
to disregard that for my FL students and to not use their L1 for anything.
Is that because FL learners are supposedly learning an FL of their own volition
and ESL learners have no choice? Isn’t the end the same, aren’t both students
trying to become proficient in the L2? Or is it because the typical FL
student is college-bound and therefore cognitively able to handle total
immersion whereas the ESL student isn’t? I know that personally, I am a
proponent of bilingual education, but I do think it should focus on content
as well as phonological development, “sounding American” may be synonymous
with “sounding intelligent” to some, but it is far cry from “being intelligent.”
I think eliminating bilingual education is about as backwards as thinking
that English is the most important language in the world. I agree indeed
with the statement, that “[In Washington] …they do not consider anything
literacy if it is not in English” (Gutierrez, et. al, 2002, p. 335). One
only has to note the number of bilingual presidents and high-ranking public
officials in the US Government to see just how important other languages
et. al (2002). “Sounding American”: The Consequences of new reforms on
English language learners.
Reading Research Quarterly, 37, 3: 328-243.